From Molen and Novikova's "Mainstreaming Gender in the EU-Accession Process":
"The labour markets in Estonia, Lithuania, and Latvia have exposed how the 'happy marraige' of a neo-liberal economic framework and neo-conservative gender ideology is in reality a restatement of women's political, social and economic disempowerment through the politics of exclusion in terms of age, ethnicity, and class. The economic 'transition' processes have demonstrated tat the familiar concepts of the liberal democratic state are 'neither neutral nor impartial in the way in which they operate. Instead, they work in favour of some interests and against others. One of the groups to suffer disproportionately is that of women and it is because of this that the use of mainstreaming can be justified in order to redress this balance' (Beveridge, et al., 2000: 386)."
and
"With the break-up of the Soviet approach, women experienced downward social mobility in the early and mid-1990s. In particular, women from Russian-speaking minorities, who lacked citizenship in Estonia and Latvia, faced the most severe hardships. Some of these women, who were excluded from employment in the formal economy, found jobs in the informal sectors where their rights were much less protected than in the formal economy. Ther roles were marginalized to those of a mother, and low-paid employee in the local 'shadow economy', or a potential body for the lucrative sex-trafficking business into the European Union (Novikova, 2002:8). Due to their increased insecurity and the lack of future prospects, there has been a strong growth in the number of women in the transition countries involved in the sex industy (Huland, 2001:2). Stukulis and Wennerholm both point out that, due to constraints on finding formal employment , there are large numbers of Russian women working as prostitues in Riga and Tallinn (Stukulis, 2004: 221-2; Wennerholm, 2002:12)."
Wednesday, January 31, 2007
Tuesday, January 30, 2007
Adi Aria's Double Wooden Spatula Pancakes
There’s nothing Sofia Rodina loves more about Estonia than its delectable pancakes. The pancakes are thinner and lighter in texture than American pancakes but thicker than crepes, and are perfect for a savory lunch (with, for example, beetroot and feta), a sweet dinner or breakfast (served with jam, sweet cream, or fresh berries), or a fulfilling dessert (served with ice cream, of course). I suggest eating them with honey and sour cream.
Some say, and we agree, that Estonian pancakes are healthier than American pancakes as well. The following recipe is a particularly healthy variation of the traditional Estonian pancake, as it is made with whole wheat, ginger, and two kick-ass wooden spatulas, Adi Aria’s favorite kitchen utensils. The recipe is perfect for Tuesday night movie dates, especially during the long Estonian winter.
The amount of flour and milk used depends on the discretion of the cook. Traditional Estonian pancakes are about 1 mm thick. If the batter is too thick, the inside might be undercooked. Thus, it is important to create a batter that is thin, much thinner than the batter of American pancakes, just slightly thicker than liquid.
Ingredients:
3 eggs
7 parts whole-wheat flour
3 parts all purpose flour
Milk
1 cup sugar
Pinch of Salt
1 tablespoon ground fresh ginger
1 teaspoon cardamom
1 teaspoon cinnamon
Combine all of the ingredients besides the milk in a large bowl. Mix. Slowly add the milk, until the consistency of the batter is as discussed above. Let the mixture sit for 30 minutes.
After 30 minutes, add a small amount of oil to a flat, round pan. Take a small amount of the batter, spread it out to the edges of the pan, and cook until golden on each side. Because of the thinness of the pancakes, the cooking should not take too long. Serve immediately (or place on a plate to keep in a slightly heated oven, if making a number of pancakes, which of course, we highly suggest).
Some say, and we agree, that Estonian pancakes are healthier than American pancakes as well. The following recipe is a particularly healthy variation of the traditional Estonian pancake, as it is made with whole wheat, ginger, and two kick-ass wooden spatulas, Adi Aria’s favorite kitchen utensils. The recipe is perfect for Tuesday night movie dates, especially during the long Estonian winter.
The amount of flour and milk used depends on the discretion of the cook. Traditional Estonian pancakes are about 1 mm thick. If the batter is too thick, the inside might be undercooked. Thus, it is important to create a batter that is thin, much thinner than the batter of American pancakes, just slightly thicker than liquid.
Ingredients:
3 eggs
7 parts whole-wheat flour
3 parts all purpose flour
Milk
1 cup sugar
Pinch of Salt
1 tablespoon ground fresh ginger
1 teaspoon cardamom
1 teaspoon cinnamon
Combine all of the ingredients besides the milk in a large bowl. Mix. Slowly add the milk, until the consistency of the batter is as discussed above. Let the mixture sit for 30 minutes.
After 30 minutes, add a small amount of oil to a flat, round pan. Take a small amount of the batter, spread it out to the edges of the pan, and cook until golden on each side. Because of the thinness of the pancakes, the cooking should not take too long. Serve immediately (or place on a plate to keep in a slightly heated oven, if making a number of pancakes, which of course, we highly suggest).
perspectives on youth activism
One of the projects that I have been working on in Estonia examines
youth attitudes towards government, civil society, activism, and
Estonia's experience with post-communism. Over the past week, I
interviewed two extremely bright and accomplished young men from the
youth wing of the Social Democratic political party. My first
interview was with Laur Kiik, the head of membership of the youth
wing. Mr. Kiik, 19, is a student of Asian Studies at Tallinn
University. My second interview was with Gerd Tarand, 21, who is the
Secretary General of the Social Democratic youth wing, the Tallinn
city Executive Branch director for the neighborhood of Mustamae, and a
student of International Affairs at Euro University in Tallinn. Both
men spoke a mile a minute and were very enthusiastic to discuss
Estonia, politics, and youth activism.
Being from the same political party, one that supports social welfare,
equality, justice, and solidarity, the two men had similar opinions on
a number of issues. They both agreed that education was the most
important issue for discussion among the youth political wings. Mr.
Tarand told me that this issue is so important that it creates a
tremendous amount of contention between the different youth wing
groups. The Social Democratic youth, for example, support free public
university education as well as an increase in the student salary
(Estonian students receive 3000 to 4000 EEK [$250 to $330 per month]
from the state to cover living expenses). In contrast, the Reform
party (highly libertarian and right-leaning) calls for easier access
for students to be able to take out loans, while other parties stand
somewhere between the two. Another issue of contention revolves around
the teaching of world religions in high school, a subject the Social
Democratic youth believe should be enlarged to cover culture in
general. When asked what it means to be an Estonian, both men agreed
that being Estonian has nothing to do with language acquisition or
ethnicity, but a desire to be Estonian. Although Mr. Tarand believes
that the Russian minority should be trying harder to learn Estonian,
both agreed that the state should be doing more to accommodate the
Russian-speaking population.
The two men also agreed on the role of the youth wing in relation to
the parent wing. As the Secretary General of the youth wing, Mr.
Tarand is invited to participate in all members of the parent party at
the Parliament buildings and at the party headquarters. Often they
feel as though the youth wing has much more of an influence in
domestic issues, especially issues pertaining to youth, rather than
foreign relations. They both agreed that the youth wing has been much
more radical than their parent party, and this has caused a number of
changes in the parent party. For example, before being called the
Social Democrats, the party was known as the Estonian Moderates (as,
for the obvious reasons, "social"-anything in Estonia is something
that is viewed with skepticism). It was the youth wing that changed
its name to the Social Democrats, and the parent party followed suit.
Both men noted that the youth party was the first to call for gay
rights and support the Tallinn Pride parade 2004. It was not until
after this youth wing initiative that the parent party began
supporting gay rights. Estonia has the least tolerant policies towards
homosexuals in Europe- many Estonian politicians have called
homosexuality a "problem" and have failed to create and administer
initiatives to protect single-sex families. One of the most active
members of the Social Democratic youth wing is Ardi Ravalepik,
president of the Estonian Gay League, and Social Democratic candidate
for Parliament in the upcoming elections. The move of the Social
Democratic parent party to support gay rights would have never
happened if it had not been for the activism and involvement of the
youth wings, according to the two men.
Although Mr. Kiik and Mr. Tarand had similar views on the above
discussed topics, there was one topic about which their opinions were
on complete opposite ends of the spectrum: youth activism, and even
more broadly, activism in Estonia. In our interview, Mr. Kiik
lamented, "there is a lack of political awareness among young people,
and much of what does exist is influenced by the media." He noted that
Estonian youth were the most passive in Europe, extending beyond
political activism to engagement in sports and social events as well.
He said, while youth political organizations may have a large
membership pool, the actual participation levels are small and "there
is really only a small group of young people who are actually doing
something."
"To be an activist in Estonia is not a good word," Mr. Kiik continued.
"It is very much a part of our society to be passive. There are three
major causes of this trend: Estonian self-mythology, our history under
Soviet Occupation, and, of course, the climate."
Mr. Kiik explained that Estonian "self-mythology" is one of a quiet,
passive nature. "We see from the American media that we are not like
the rest of the world, and we are constantly made aware that our norms
of personality are very different. Being passive is a way of asserting
our culture, and but it can also be used as an excuse." He continued
that the Soviet system really stripped Estonians the motivation to
become involved in government parties. "Bad connotations attached to
the state shape Estonians very much," he noted. He believes that the
climate also contributes to the Estonian desire to hide from political
activities, but jokingly predicted "maybe this will end with global
warming."
Mr. Tarand could not disagree with Mr. Kiik on this issue more.
Although he stated that "the word 'politician' carries a very negative
connotation, that youth involvement in Estonian politics has become
very strong in recent years. "Seven years ago, young people did not
have a voice," he began. "Now, on domestic issues, the youth
organizations have a very cooperative and engaged relationship with
the government- we are listened to, we are kept up-to-date and aware
of policies that are being discussed in the Parliament, and we are
allowed to take an active role in issues that pertain to young people,
such as education."
He attributed political activism among young people in Estonia to the
decades the country was forced to follow orders from Moscow.
Describing what he called "rebel feelings," Mr. Tarand explained
"Estonian youth are reluctant to have role models. They want to find
out everything and anything for themselves." He said that although
Estonia often represents a small percentage of participants in
meetings with other European youth, they tend to be more radical and
active in the meetings. He said that it constantly amazes him "how
old" his counterparts in Finland seem. They are much older than him of
course- the average age of the Finnish Social Democratic Youth is 27,
where as this is the average age as one of the parent parties in
Estonia (Res Publica) is- but in general, they are also much more
conservative and "much less relaxed."
Although it is very difficult to quantify youth political and social
activism, from my experience, I imagine that the reality is somewhere
in the center. Although there is a definite presence of Estonian youth
political activism in Tallinn and Tartu, especially, I am also aware
of a disenchantment and distrust of the political system that runs
throughout the entire population. Voter turnout is among the lowest in
Europe, for example. And like anywhere, many young people exhibit
general apathetic behavior. My students, for example, couldn't care
less about Estonian politics. That said, youth in Estonia who choose
to become involved in the political system have much greater
involvement and wider influence than in America or in Western Europe.
youth attitudes towards government, civil society, activism, and
Estonia's experience with post-communism. Over the past week, I
interviewed two extremely bright and accomplished young men from the
youth wing of the Social Democratic political party. My first
interview was with Laur Kiik, the head of membership of the youth
wing. Mr. Kiik, 19, is a student of Asian Studies at Tallinn
University. My second interview was with Gerd Tarand, 21, who is the
Secretary General of the Social Democratic youth wing, the Tallinn
city Executive Branch director for the neighborhood of Mustamae, and a
student of International Affairs at Euro University in Tallinn. Both
men spoke a mile a minute and were very enthusiastic to discuss
Estonia, politics, and youth activism.
Being from the same political party, one that supports social welfare,
equality, justice, and solidarity, the two men had similar opinions on
a number of issues. They both agreed that education was the most
important issue for discussion among the youth political wings. Mr.
Tarand told me that this issue is so important that it creates a
tremendous amount of contention between the different youth wing
groups. The Social Democratic youth, for example, support free public
university education as well as an increase in the student salary
(Estonian students receive 3000 to 4000 EEK [$250 to $330 per month]
from the state to cover living expenses). In contrast, the Reform
party (highly libertarian and right-leaning) calls for easier access
for students to be able to take out loans, while other parties stand
somewhere between the two. Another issue of contention revolves around
the teaching of world religions in high school, a subject the Social
Democratic youth believe should be enlarged to cover culture in
general. When asked what it means to be an Estonian, both men agreed
that being Estonian has nothing to do with language acquisition or
ethnicity, but a desire to be Estonian. Although Mr. Tarand believes
that the Russian minority should be trying harder to learn Estonian,
both agreed that the state should be doing more to accommodate the
Russian-speaking population.
The two men also agreed on the role of the youth wing in relation to
the parent wing. As the Secretary General of the youth wing, Mr.
Tarand is invited to participate in all members of the parent party at
the Parliament buildings and at the party headquarters. Often they
feel as though the youth wing has much more of an influence in
domestic issues, especially issues pertaining to youth, rather than
foreign relations. They both agreed that the youth wing has been much
more radical than their parent party, and this has caused a number of
changes in the parent party. For example, before being called the
Social Democrats, the party was known as the Estonian Moderates (as,
for the obvious reasons, "social"-anything in Estonia is something
that is viewed with skepticism). It was the youth wing that changed
its name to the Social Democrats, and the parent party followed suit.
Both men noted that the youth party was the first to call for gay
rights and support the Tallinn Pride parade 2004. It was not until
after this youth wing initiative that the parent party began
supporting gay rights. Estonia has the least tolerant policies towards
homosexuals in Europe- many Estonian politicians have called
homosexuality a "problem" and have failed to create and administer
initiatives to protect single-sex families. One of the most active
members of the Social Democratic youth wing is Ardi Ravalepik,
president of the Estonian Gay League, and Social Democratic candidate
for Parliament in the upcoming elections. The move of the Social
Democratic parent party to support gay rights would have never
happened if it had not been for the activism and involvement of the
youth wings, according to the two men.
Although Mr. Kiik and Mr. Tarand had similar views on the above
discussed topics, there was one topic about which their opinions were
on complete opposite ends of the spectrum: youth activism, and even
more broadly, activism in Estonia. In our interview, Mr. Kiik
lamented, "there is a lack of political awareness among young people,
and much of what does exist is influenced by the media." He noted that
Estonian youth were the most passive in Europe, extending beyond
political activism to engagement in sports and social events as well.
He said, while youth political organizations may have a large
membership pool, the actual participation levels are small and "there
is really only a small group of young people who are actually doing
something."
"To be an activist in Estonia is not a good word," Mr. Kiik continued.
"It is very much a part of our society to be passive. There are three
major causes of this trend: Estonian self-mythology, our history under
Soviet Occupation, and, of course, the climate."
Mr. Kiik explained that Estonian "self-mythology" is one of a quiet,
passive nature. "We see from the American media that we are not like
the rest of the world, and we are constantly made aware that our norms
of personality are very different. Being passive is a way of asserting
our culture, and but it can also be used as an excuse." He continued
that the Soviet system really stripped Estonians the motivation to
become involved in government parties. "Bad connotations attached to
the state shape Estonians very much," he noted. He believes that the
climate also contributes to the Estonian desire to hide from political
activities, but jokingly predicted "maybe this will end with global
warming."
Mr. Tarand could not disagree with Mr. Kiik on this issue more.
Although he stated that "the word 'politician' carries a very negative
connotation, that youth involvement in Estonian politics has become
very strong in recent years. "Seven years ago, young people did not
have a voice," he began. "Now, on domestic issues, the youth
organizations have a very cooperative and engaged relationship with
the government- we are listened to, we are kept up-to-date and aware
of policies that are being discussed in the Parliament, and we are
allowed to take an active role in issues that pertain to young people,
such as education."
He attributed political activism among young people in Estonia to the
decades the country was forced to follow orders from Moscow.
Describing what he called "rebel feelings," Mr. Tarand explained
"Estonian youth are reluctant to have role models. They want to find
out everything and anything for themselves." He said that although
Estonia often represents a small percentage of participants in
meetings with other European youth, they tend to be more radical and
active in the meetings. He said that it constantly amazes him "how
old" his counterparts in Finland seem. They are much older than him of
course- the average age of the Finnish Social Democratic Youth is 27,
where as this is the average age as one of the parent parties in
Estonia (Res Publica) is- but in general, they are also much more
conservative and "much less relaxed."
Although it is very difficult to quantify youth political and social
activism, from my experience, I imagine that the reality is somewhere
in the center. Although there is a definite presence of Estonian youth
political activism in Tallinn and Tartu, especially, I am also aware
of a disenchantment and distrust of the political system that runs
throughout the entire population. Voter turnout is among the lowest in
Europe, for example. And like anywhere, many young people exhibit
general apathetic behavior. My students, for example, couldn't care
less about Estonian politics. That said, youth in Estonia who choose
to become involved in the political system have much greater
involvement and wider influence than in America or in Western Europe.
Monday, January 29, 2007
Where will Estonia be in ten years? A vacant planet?
I asked my students in what direction Estonia is heading over the next ten years. Once again, all of the responses were amazing, but one was particularly, um, particular:
"Where do I think Estonia will be in 10 years time?
"Well, frankly, I have no idea. I've read that according to the ancient Mayans a new age should begin with the year 2012. I've also read that, according to the UK-based post-black metal band Anaal Natrakh, the apocalyspe should arrive in 2012 (actually they said that some hippie had a vision in the 1960s or 1970s in a Southern American jungle, during which some alien life form [or possibly life forms] contact him and implied that the year 2012 sees the destruction of the world as we know it). Come to think of it, the apocalypse could also qualify as the beginning of a new age, since nothing would remain of the old age...
"Anyway, even if we survive the year 2012 without any kind of cataclysms or 'new ages,' it's still pretty hard for me to predict the future. But I suppose I could try. I think that as the welfare level continues to increase more and more, people will discover that they suddenly need about 14 houses and 15 cars, since the welfare level would arise more so more people could actually afford 14 houses and 15 cars. People would still moan about low birthrate, though there are about 1.3 million human beings inhabiting the place known to us as Estonia, which is frankly too much considering that Estonians' 'ecological footprint' is quite 'oversized' [excuse the lame pun, I know it wasn't funny, but somehow I still had to make it]. Also I think that probably Tallinn will grow too big, and we will pollute 'our' nature with our garbage, but it doesn't matter in the big picture, because then some halfwit would start a nuclear war or we would possibly find another 2017 ways to destroy the world we live in, wipe out human population on earth, and leave behind a vacant planet. Brave New World indeed."
I love Estonia, I really do.
"Where do I think Estonia will be in 10 years time?
"Well, frankly, I have no idea. I've read that according to the ancient Mayans a new age should begin with the year 2012. I've also read that, according to the UK-based post-black metal band Anaal Natrakh, the apocalyspe should arrive in 2012 (actually they said that some hippie had a vision in the 1960s or 1970s in a Southern American jungle, during which some alien life form [or possibly life forms] contact him and implied that the year 2012 sees the destruction of the world as we know it). Come to think of it, the apocalypse could also qualify as the beginning of a new age, since nothing would remain of the old age...
"Anyway, even if we survive the year 2012 without any kind of cataclysms or 'new ages,' it's still pretty hard for me to predict the future. But I suppose I could try. I think that as the welfare level continues to increase more and more, people will discover that they suddenly need about 14 houses and 15 cars, since the welfare level would arise more so more people could actually afford 14 houses and 15 cars. People would still moan about low birthrate, though there are about 1.3 million human beings inhabiting the place known to us as Estonia, which is frankly too much considering that Estonians' 'ecological footprint' is quite 'oversized' [excuse the lame pun, I know it wasn't funny, but somehow I still had to make it]. Also I think that probably Tallinn will grow too big, and we will pollute 'our' nature with our garbage, but it doesn't matter in the big picture, because then some halfwit would start a nuclear war or we would possibly find another 2017 ways to destroy the world we live in, wipe out human population on earth, and leave behind a vacant planet. Brave New World indeed."
I love Estonia, I really do.
Do Nations Have Navels?
From Ernest Gellner's Nationalism (p 96-97):
"The Estonians, for example, are a fine example of highly sucessful navel-free nationalism. At the beginning of the nineteenth century, they did not really exist as a self-conscious category: they could only refer to themselves as 'those who lived on the land', in distinction to Swedish or German burghers or Russian bureaucrats. There wasn't even an ethnonym.
"However, just as the previously operative conditions of agrarian society permitted or favored domination by a tiny alien minority, now the conditions of modern life favoured the demographic majority, however unfavorable its political baseline. A national culture was born, by the usual nineteenth-century methods (national theatre, museum, education). The process was brilliantly successful and very thorough: the ethnographic museum in Tartu, for instance, has approximately one cultural object for every ten Estonians, and is sustained by a conscientious network of informants. Estonian culture is not in peril: rates of literacy, the level of education and general consciousness are extremely high. Political independence was secured on the collapse of the Tsarist empire and recovered on the collapse of the Bolshevik one. The fact that there is no historic precident for a linkage of Estonian culture with a state does not matter in the least: this nationalism is so brazenly devoid of any navel that it does not even deign to invent one, and yet the national culture iss so vigorous as to be in no danger at all, and the political will accompanying it is also strong and effective."
"The Estonians, for example, are a fine example of highly sucessful navel-free nationalism. At the beginning of the nineteenth century, they did not really exist as a self-conscious category: they could only refer to themselves as 'those who lived on the land', in distinction to Swedish or German burghers or Russian bureaucrats. There wasn't even an ethnonym.
"However, just as the previously operative conditions of agrarian society permitted or favored domination by a tiny alien minority, now the conditions of modern life favoured the demographic majority, however unfavorable its political baseline. A national culture was born, by the usual nineteenth-century methods (national theatre, museum, education). The process was brilliantly successful and very thorough: the ethnographic museum in Tartu, for instance, has approximately one cultural object for every ten Estonians, and is sustained by a conscientious network of informants. Estonian culture is not in peril: rates of literacy, the level of education and general consciousness are extremely high. Political independence was secured on the collapse of the Tsarist empire and recovered on the collapse of the Bolshevik one. The fact that there is no historic precident for a linkage of Estonian culture with a state does not matter in the least: this nationalism is so brazenly devoid of any navel that it does not even deign to invent one, and yet the national culture iss so vigorous as to be in no danger at all, and the political will accompanying it is also strong and effective."
Saturday, January 27, 2007
russian speakers and freedom of movement in the EU
A lot has been discussed on the effect that Estonian accession into the European Union has had on the Russian population. Prior to the September 2003 referendum, the Russian population living in Estonia had a more positive opinion towards E.U. accession. This can be attributed to three factors: (1) the Russian population felt less connected to the Estonian state, thus they were less concerned about a potential loss of sovereignty following accession; (2) the socio-economic gap between Russians and other member states was greater than the socio-economic gap between Estonians and other member states, thus the Russians saw greater potential for increased living conditions; and (3) [probably most significantly] the Russian population saw opportunity for their economic, political, and social standing to increase with the EU system of conditionality towards Estonia.
However, by 2001, ethnic Estonian favorability towards the EU increased as ethnic Russian favorability decreased. The Russian decrease could be viewed as a result of many different, simultaneously occurring circumstances, including increased amounts of anti-Russian propaganda issued by the Estonian government, a fear that a move towards the west would make family, business, and personal connections with Russia more challenging, and a fear of the increase in prices following accession. In the end, ethnic Russian were considerably less favorable towards EU accession than ethnic Estonians.
In the end, hopes for a major improvement in the living conditions of the ethnic Russians were let down, because the European Union did not hold Estonia accountable for appropriately handling the situations of the Russian minority. However, it is important to acknowledge one extremely important benefit that the Russian population (especially the non-citizen portion of the population) will gain from Estonia joining the EU: when the EU transitional provisions end (most likely 2009) and Schengen border system goes into effect, all residents of Estonia- Russian or Estonian, citizen or non-citizen- will be provided with the right of free travel throughout the entire European Union.
However, by 2001, ethnic Estonian favorability towards the EU increased as ethnic Russian favorability decreased. The Russian decrease could be viewed as a result of many different, simultaneously occurring circumstances, including increased amounts of anti-Russian propaganda issued by the Estonian government, a fear that a move towards the west would make family, business, and personal connections with Russia more challenging, and a fear of the increase in prices following accession. In the end, ethnic Russian were considerably less favorable towards EU accession than ethnic Estonians.
In the end, hopes for a major improvement in the living conditions of the ethnic Russians were let down, because the European Union did not hold Estonia accountable for appropriately handling the situations of the Russian minority. However, it is important to acknowledge one extremely important benefit that the Russian population (especially the non-citizen portion of the population) will gain from Estonia joining the EU: when the EU transitional provisions end (most likely 2009) and Schengen border system goes into effect, all residents of Estonia- Russian or Estonian, citizen or non-citizen- will be provided with the right of free travel throughout the entire European Union.
political tolerance
Political tolerance (when respondents allow the full legal rights of citizenshipto groups they themselve dislike) is particularly low in Estonia- much lower than in Russia. According to survey data, the least liked group in Estonia are the Stalinists and hard-lined communists. 2.1 per cent of Estonians would allow Stalinists and hard-lined communists to hold public office, 3.6 per cent of Estonians would allow this least-liked group to teach in schools, and 11 per cent would allow them to hold public ranking. in all of the former Soviet Countries, the averages are 5 per cent, 6.8 per cent, and 13.2 per cent.
Source: Geurin, Daniel. "Tolerance Protest and Democratic Transition: Survey evidence from 13 post-communist countries." European Journal of Political Research 43: 371-395, 2004.
Source: Geurin, Daniel. "Tolerance Protest and Democratic Transition: Survey evidence from 13 post-communist countries." European Journal of Political Research 43: 371-395, 2004.
Friday, January 26, 2007
Estonia in the News
The New York Times published an article this week examining the Bronze Soldier debate in Estonia:
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/01/25/world/europe/25tallinn.html
I find Ilves's quote (“We don’t want to be weighed down by the past”) ironic because it is these memory politics on both sides that have a paralyzing and dividing effect on Estonian society and Estonian-Russian relations.
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/01/25/world/europe/25tallinn.html
I find Ilves's quote (“We don’t want to be weighed down by the past”) ironic because it is these memory politics on both sides that have a paralyzing and dividing effect on Estonian society and Estonian-Russian relations.
Thursday, January 25, 2007
Nation as a Toy
I'm working on a book about my students at the Old Town School, and last week I asked them to write essays on how Estonia has changed in their lifetimes. The essays were all quite interesting, but I found one particularly creative:
"There are so many of us- the Children of the Singing Revolution. 1989, 1990- the Soviet Union begins to collapse; people of supressed countries fighting back an aggressor. These fighters made babies- lots and lots of babies, with hopes of saving the nation- exclaiming 'THERE ARE STILL ESTONIANS, AND,' with a threatening groan, 'THERE WILL BE MORE.'
"Here we are now. The lot of us. We don't remember the moment before Estonia regained independence. We vaguely remember how life was before. We know life if better now- we hear it every day. We are the children Estonia was given to- the Nation is our toy. We still don't play with it, though, for we are still too small. We play with our lives. Some know the rules and obey them, some bend them, some break them; and most of us break ourselves.
"We haven't been very good children: the more you expect, the less you receive. We don't appreciate what has been given to us, because it's the only reality we know."
"There are so many of us- the Children of the Singing Revolution. 1989, 1990- the Soviet Union begins to collapse; people of supressed countries fighting back an aggressor. These fighters made babies- lots and lots of babies, with hopes of saving the nation- exclaiming 'THERE ARE STILL ESTONIANS, AND,' with a threatening groan, 'THERE WILL BE MORE.'
"Here we are now. The lot of us. We don't remember the moment before Estonia regained independence. We vaguely remember how life was before. We know life if better now- we hear it every day. We are the children Estonia was given to- the Nation is our toy. We still don't play with it, though, for we are still too small. We play with our lives. Some know the rules and obey them, some bend them, some break them; and most of us break ourselves.
"We haven't been very good children: the more you expect, the less you receive. We don't appreciate what has been given to us, because it's the only reality we know."
Wednesday, January 24, 2007
apple-pomegranate birthday tart
Baking in Estonia can be quite a challenge- and finding the right ingredients to bake a birthday cake is impossible, especially in the winter time, when the fruit section of the grocery store is quite limited. Fortunately there is never a shortage of apples so I decided, for my friend Valerie's birthday, to make an apple-pomegranate birthday tart. It was quite fun, and the ingredients are extremely easy to find, even in the most limited of Eastern European grocery stores.
For the crust:
2 cups all purpose flour
1 teaspoon salt
3/4 cups butter (a bit more than 150 grams)
2 tbls heavy whipping cream
3 tbls water
For the filling:
3 large apples, sliced but not peeled
1 pomegranate
1/2 cup raspberry preserves
1 tbls butter
a bit of sugar, brown sugar, and cinnamon
Mix together the flour and salt in a large bowl. Add the butter. When the butter, salt, and flour combination are completely mixed, add the whipping cream and water. Mix to create a dough-like consistency. Let sit for an hour.
Pre-heat the oven to 350 degrees F (about 176 degrees C). When the hour is up, mold the dough into a tart shell and bake for 25 minutes, or until the shell is golden. While the shell is baking, melt the butter in a large sauce pan. Add the apples, some sugar and brown sugar. Cook the apples, turning occasionally, until they are soft all the way through. Cut the pomegranate in half and empty the seeds into a bowl with a spoon.
When the shell is finished baking, remove it from the oven and let it sit until it reaches room temperature. Spread a thin layer of raspberry preserves on the bottom of the tart. Lay the apple slices on top of the raspberry preserves in a fan-like pattern. When the tart is covered in apples, sprinkle the pomegranate seeds on top of the apples. Add a dash of cinnamon. You can serve it immediately or let it cool. Best served with a scoop of vanilla ice cream with brown sugar or cardamom. Enjoy!
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